Age,
Social Class, Ethnicity, Gender, Sexuality & Disability
After studying this
section, you should be able to understand:
•
mass media representations of gender
•
theoretical perspectives on media representations of gender
•
mass media representations of sexuality, disability, social
class and age
•
mass media representations of ethnic minorities
Media representations of gender
KEY
POINT - Almy
et al. (1984) argue that media representations of gender are important
because they enter the collective social conscience and reinforce culturally
dominant (hegemonic) ideas about gender which represent males as dominant and
females as subordinate. Sociologists argue that media representations not only
stereotype masculinity and femininity into fairly limited forms of behaviour,
but also provide gender role models that males and females are encouraged to
aspire to.
However, Gauntlett
(2008) points out that sociological analysis of media representations needs to
be cautious, because of the sheer diversity of media in Britain.
Traditional media representations of
femininity
•
Women are generally represented in a narrow range of social roles
by various types of media, whilst men are shown performing a full range of
social and occupational roles. Tunstall (2000) argues that media
representations emphasise women’s domestic, sexual, consumer and marital
activities to the exclusion of all else. The media generally ignore the fact
that a majority of British women go out to work. Men, on the other hand, are
seldom presented nude or defined by their marital or family status.
•
Working women are often portrayed as unfulfilled, unattractive,
possibly unstable and unable to sustain relationships. It is often implied that
working mothers, rather than working fathers, are guilty of the emotional
neglect of their children.
•
Tuchman et al. (1978) used the term symbolic annihilation to describe the way in which women’s
achievements are often not reported, or are condemned or trivialised by the
mass media. Often their achievements are presented as less important than their
looks and sex appeal. Newbold’s research (2002) into television sport
presentation shows that what little coverage of women’s sport there is tends to
sexualise, trivialise and devalue women’s sporting accomplishments.
•
Research into women’s magazines suggests that they strongly
encourage women to conform to ideological patriarchal ideals that confirm their
subordinate position compared with men. Ferguson (1983) conducted a
content analysis of women’s magazines from between 1949 and 1974, and 1979 and
1980. She notes that such magazines are organised around a cult of femininity, which promotes a traditional ideal where
excellence is achieved through caring for others, the family, marriage and
appearance. However, Ferguson’s ideas were challenged by Winship (1987),
who argued that women’s magazines generally play a supportive and positive role
in the lives of women. Winship argues that such magazines present women with a
broader range of options than ever before and that they tackle problems that
have been largely ignored by the male-dominated media, such as domestic
violence and child abuse.
•
Wolf (1990) suggests that the images of women used by the media
present women as sex
objects to be consumed by what Mulvey
calls the male gaze. According to Kilbourne (1995), this
media representation presents women as mannequins: tall and thin, often US size
zero, with very long legs, perfect teeth and hair, and skin without a blemish
in sight. Wolf notes that the media encourage women to view their bodies as a project in constant need of improvement.
•
Content analysis of teenage magazines in Britain indicates that
almost 70% of the content and images focus on beauty and fashion, compared with
only 12% focused on education or careers. Many encourage the idea that slimness=happiness and consequently Orbach (1991)
suggests that such media imagery creates the potential for eating disorders.
The media as empowering women
KEY
POINT
Sociologists
have noted the increasing number of positive female roles emerging, especially
in television drama and films. It is argued that these reflect the social and
cultural changes that females have experienced in the last 25 years, especially
the feminisation of the economy, which has meant that women are now more likely
to have aspirational attitudes, a positive attitude towards education, careers
and an independent income. Westwood claims that we are now seeing more transgressive (i.e. going beyond gendered expectations)
female roles on British television as a result.
Gill (2008) argues that the depiction of women in
advertising has changed from women as passive objects of the male gaze, to
active, independent and sexually powerful agents. Gauntlett (2008)
argues that magazines aimed at young women emphasise that women must do their
own thing and be themselves, whilst female pop stars, like Lady Gaga, sing
about financial and emotional independence. This set of media messages from a
range of sources suggest that women can be tough and independent whilst being
‘sexy’.
Traditional media representations of
masculinity
Easthope (1986) argues that a variety of media,
especially Hollywood films and computer games, transmit the view that
masculinity based on strength, aggression, competition and violence is
biologically determined and, therefore, a natural goal for boys to achieve.
However, the 1980s saw the emergence of a new
breed of glossy magazines aimed at middle class young men, such as GQ, Maxim
and FHM. The content of such magazines often suggested that:
•
men are emotionally vulnerable
•
they should be more in touch with their emotions or feminine
side
•
they should treat women as equals
•
they should care more about their appearance
•
active fatherhood is an experience worth having.
These magazines were seen
by some commentators as evidence of a new type of masculinity – the new man. Media representations of this new type of
masculinity led to post-modern sociologists speculating that masculinity was responding
to the growing economic independence and assertiveness of women. The media
trumpeted the metrosexual
male, a type of masculinity
that was focused on appearance and fashion and which championed masculine
values as caring and generous. The metrosexual male was thought to be in touch
with his feminine side, useful around the home and considerate towards his
female partner.
However, Gauntlett
argues that there are still plenty of magazines aimed at men which sexually
objectify women and stress images of men as traditionally masculine. Rutherford
suggests that these magazines are symbolic of what he calls retributive masculinity – an attempt to reassert traditional
masculine authority by celebrating traditionally male concerns in their
content, i.e. ‘birds, booze and football’.
Whannel (2002) notes that mass media stories about
and images of David Beckham are contradictory, in that they stress Beckham as
representative of both metrosexual and retributive versions of masculinity.
Whannel notes that media representations of Beckham are fluid – his good looks,
his football skills, competitive spirit and his commitment mark him out as a
traditional ‘real man’. However, this image has been balanced with alternative
media representations that stress his metrosexuality, particularly his
emotional commitment to his family and the fact that he spends a great deal of
time, effort and money on his image.
Theoretical perspectives on media
representations of gender
Liberal feminism
Liberal
feminists believe that media
representations lag behind the reality of social and economic conditions.
However, they acknowledge that representations of women have changed
significantly for the better in the last thirty years. Some liberal feminists
have noted that women’s progress as media professionals has slowed down in
recent years. The majority of media owners are male and influential positions
within the media such as media executives, newspaper editors, senior
journalists, producers, television and film directors, and heads of television
programming are also dominated by males.
Marxist and socialist feminism
Marxist, or socialist, feminists believe that the roots of the
stereotypical images of men and women in the media are economic. They are a
by-product of the need of media conglomerates in capitalist societies to make a
profit. The maledominated media aim to attract the largest audience possible
and this leads to an emphasis on the traditional roles of men and women in
sitcoms, game shows and soap operas. The alternative images of women encouraged
by feminism, e.g. as assertive career women, do not fit easily into this type
of media content and consequently such women are ignored, devalued or treated
critically.
The media emphasis on women’s bodies as
projects is the result of the growth of the cosmetic and diet product
industries. It is estimated that the diet industry alone is worth $100 billion
a year in the USA. Marxists note that the marketing strategies of these
industries deliberately manipulate women’s anxieties so that they can be
exploited as consumers of body-related products.
Radical feminism
Radical feminists argue that traditional hegemonic images of
femininity are deliberately transmitted by a male-dominated media to keep women
oppressed into a narrow range of roles. This creates a form of false consciousness in women and deters them from making the most
of the opportunities available to them and consequently men’s patriarchal power
is rarely challenged. Radical feminists believe that it is no coincidence that,
at the same time as women are achieving greater social, political and
professional equality, media products symbolically relegate them to subordinate
positions as sex objects or motherhousewives.
Post-modernism
Gauntlett (2008) focuses on the relationship between
the mass media and identity and argues that the mass media today challenge traditional
definitions of gender and are actually a force for social change. There has
also been a new emphasis in men’s media on men’s emotions and problems, which
has challenged masculine ideals such as toughness and emotional reticence. As a
result, the media are now providing alternative gendered images and ideas,
which are producing a greater diversity of choices for people in constructing their gender identities.
Representations of sexuality
Homosexuality
KEY
POINT
-
Batchelor found that being gay was not generally integrated into mainstream
media representations. Rather, when it did appear, e.g. in television drama, it
was represented mainly as a source of anxiety or embarrassment, or it was seen
as a target for teasing and bullying. The study also found that, in mainstream
young people’s media, lesbianism was completely invisible
Media representations of
sexuality in Britain are overwhelmingly heterosexual in character. Gerbner
(2002) argues that the media participate in the symbolic annihilation of gays and lesbians by negatively
stereotyping them, by rarely portraying them realistically, or by not
portraying them at all. Craig (1992) suggests that when homosexual
characters are portrayed in the media, e.g. in popular drama, they are often
stereotyped as having particular amusing or negative psychological and social
characteristics.
•
Campness – this is one of the most widely used gay representations,
found mainly in the entertainment media. The camp persona reinforces negative
views of gay sexuality by being somewhere in between male and female.
•
Macho – a look that exaggerates masculinity and which is regarded by
heterosexual men as threatening because it subverts traditional ideas of
masculinity.
•
Deviant – gays may be stereotyped as deviants, as evil or as devious in
television drama, as sexual predators or as people who feel tremendous guilt
about their sexuality. In many cases, gay characters are completely defined by
the ‘problem’ of their sexuality and homosexuality is often constructed to
appear morally wrong.
•
Responsible for AIDS – Watney has illustrated how British
news coverage of AIDS in the 1980s stereotyped gay people as carriers of a gay
plague. He argues that news coverage of AIDS reflected mainstream society’s
fear and dislike of the gay community and resulted in unsympathetic accounts
that strongly implied that homosexual AIDS sufferers only had their own
‘immoral and unnatural’ behaviour to blame for their condition or death.
Gauntlett argues that
lesbian, gay and bisexual people are still under-represented in much of the
mainstream media, but things are slowly changing for the better. Gauntlett
suggests that tolerance of sexual diversity is slowly growing in society, and
images of diverse sexual identities with which audiences are unfamiliar may assist in making the
population generally more comfortable with these alternative sexual lifestyles.
Representations of disability
Barnes (1992) argues that mass media representations
of disability have
generally been oppressive
and negative. People with disabilities are rarely
presented as people with
their own identities. Barnes notes several common
media representations of
people with disabilities.
•
In need of pity and charity – Barnes claims that this stereotype has
grown in popularity in recent years because of television appeals such as
Children in Need.
•
As victims – Barnes found that when people with disabilities are featured
in television drama, they are three times more likely than able-bodied
characters to be killed off.
•
As villains – people with disabilities are often portrayed as criminals or
monsters, e.g. villains in James Bond films often have a physical impairment.
•
As super-cripples – Barnes notes that people with disabilities are often
portrayed as having special powers or as overcoming their impairment and
poverty. In Hollywood films, the impaired male body is often visually
represented as a perfect physical specimen in a wheelchair. Ross notes
that disability issues have to be sensational, unexpected or heroic in order to
be interpreted by journalists as newsworthy and reported on.
•
As a burden – television documentaries and news features often focus on
carers rather than the people with disabilities.
•
As sexually abnormal – it is assumed by media representations that
people with disabilities do not have sexual feelings or that they are sexually
degenerate.
•
As incapable of participating fully in community life – Barnes calls this the stereotype of
omission and notes that people with disabilities are rarely shown as integral
and productive members of the community such as students, teachers or parents.
•
As ordinary or normal – Barnes argues that the media rarely portray
people with disabilities as normal people who just happen to have a disability.
They consequently fail to reflect the real, everyday experience of disability.
Roper (2003) suggests that mass media
representations of disability on telethons can create problems for people with
disabilities and suggests that telethons over-rely on ‘cute’ children who are
not that representative of the range of people with disabilities in Britain.
Roper argues that telethons are primarily aimed at encouraging the general
public to alleviate their guilt and their relief that they are not disabled, by
giving money rather than informing the general public of the facts about
disability.
Karpf (1988) suggests that there is a need for
charities, but that telethons act to keep the audience in the position of
givers and to keep recipients in their place as grateful and dependent. Karpf
notes that telethons are about entertaining the public, rather than helping us
to understand the everyday realities of what it is like to have a disability.
Consequently, these media representations merely confirm social prejudices
about people with disabilities, e.g. that they are dependent on the help of
able-bodied people.
Representations of social class
KEY
POINT - Mass
media representations of social classes rarely focus on the social tensions or
class conflict that some critical sociologists see as underpinning society.
Representations of the monarchy
Nairn (1988) notes that contemporary media coverage
of the monarchy has focused positively on every trivial detail of their lives,
turning the Queen and her family into an on-going soap opera, but with a glamour and mystique far greater
than any other media personality. Furthermore, mass media representations of
the Queen are also aimed at reinforcing a sense of national identity, in that she is portrayed as the ultimate
symbol of the nation. Consequently, the media regards royal events, such as
weddings and funerals, as national events.
Representations of the upper class and wealth
Neo-Marxists argue that mass media representations of
social class tend to celebrate hierarchy and wealth. Those who benefit from these processes, i.e. the monarchy, the
upper class and the very wealthy, generally receive a positive press as
celebrities who are somehow deserving of their position. The British mass media
hardly ever portray the upper classes in a critical light, nor do they often
draw any serious attention to inequalities in wealth and pay or the
overrepresentation of public-school products in positions of power.
Newman (2006) argues that the media focus very
positively on the concerns of the wealthy and the privileged. He notes that the
media over-focuses on consumer items such as luxury cars, costly holiday spots
and fashion accessories that only the wealthy can afford. He also notes the
enormous amount of print and broadcast media dedicated to daily business news
and stock market quotations, despite the fact that few people in Britain own
stocks and shares.
Representations of the middle classes
Four broad sociological
observations can be made with regard to mass media
representations of the middle classes.
•
The middle class are over-represented on TV dramas and situation
comedies.
•
Part of the British newspaper market is specifically aimed at
the middle classes and their consumption, tastes and interests, e.g. the Daily
Mail.
•
The content of newspapers such as the Daily Mail suggests that
journalists believe that the middle classes of middle England are generally
anxious about the decline of moral standards in society and that they are proud
of their British identity and heritage. It is assumed that their readership
feels threatened by alien influences such as the Euro, asylum seekers and
terrorism. Consequently, newspapers, such as the Daily Mail, often crusade on
behalf of the middle classes and initiate moral panics on issues such as video nasties, paedophilia
and asylum seekers.
•
Most of the creative personnel in the media are themselves
middle class. In news and current affairs, the middle classes dominate
positions of authority – the ‘expert’ is invariably middle class.
Representations of the working class
Newman argues that when news organisations focus on
the working class, it is generally to label them as a problem, e.g. as welfare cheats,
drug addicts or criminals. Working class groups, e.g. youth sub-cultures such as mods or skinheads, are often the
subject of moral panics, whilst reporting of issues such as poverty, unemployment
or single-parent families often suggests that personal inadequacy is the main
cause of these social problems, rather than government policies or poor
business practices. Studies of industrial relations reporting by the Glasgow
University Media Group suggest that the media portray ‘unreasonable’ workers as
making trouble for ‘reasonable’ employers.
Curran and Seaton (2003) note that newspapers aimed at working
class audiences assume that they are uninterested in serious analysis of either
the political or social organisation of British society. Political debate is
often reduced simplistically to conflict between personalities. The content of
newspapers such as The Sun and the Daily Star assumes that such audiences want
to read about celebrity gossip and lifestyles, trivial human interest stories
and sport.
Representations of poverty
KEY
POINT -
Newman
argues that when the news media turn their attention to the most destitute, the
portrayals are often negative or stereotypical. Often, the poor are portrayed
in statistical rather than in human terms by news bulletins that focus on the
numbers unemployed or on benefits, rather than the individual suffering and
personal indignities of poverty.
McKendrick et al. (2008) studied a week’s output of mainstream
media in 2007 and concluded that coverage of poverty is marginal in British
media, in that the causes and consequences of poverty were very rarely explored
across the news, documentaries or drama. Dramas such as Shameless presented a
sanitised picture of poverty, despite featuring characters who were
economically deprived, whilst family issue-based programmes such as The Jeremy
Kyle Show treated poverty as an aspect of entertainment. Cohen notes
that the media often fails to see the connection between deprivation and
wealth.
Representations of age
Media representations of
different groups of people based on age (i.e. children, adolescents and the
elderly), also generalise and categorise people on the basis of stereotypes.
Childhood
British children are often
depicted in the British media in positive ways. Content
analyses of media
products suggest that eight stereotypes of children are
frequently used by the
media.
•
As victims of horrendous crimes – some critics of the media have suggested
that White children who are victims of crime get more media attention than
adults or children from ethnic minority backgrounds.
•
As cute – this is a common stereotype found in television commercials
for baby products or toilet rolls.
•
As little devils – another common stereotype especially found in drama and
comedy, e.g. Bart Simpson.
•
As brilliant – perhaps as child prodigies or as heroes for saving the life of
an adult.
•
As brave little angels – suffering from a long-term terminal disease or disability.
•
As accessories – stories about celebrities such as Madonna, Angelina Jolie or
the Beckhams may focus on how their children humanise them.
•
As modern – the media may focus on how children ‘these days’ know so much
more ‘at their age’ than previous generations of children.
•
As active
consumers – television commercials
portray children as having a consumer appetite for toys and games. Some family
sociologists note that this has led to the emergence of a new family pressure,
‘pester power’, the power of children to train or manipulate their parents to
spend money on consumer goods that will increase the children’s status in the
eyes of their peers.
Youth
There are generally two
very broad ways in which young people have been
targeted and portrayed by
the media in Britain.
•
There is a whole media industry aimed at socially constructing youth in terms of lifestyle and identity. Magazines are produced specifically for
young people. Record companies, Internet music download sites, mobile telephone
companies and radio stations all specifically target and attempt to shape the
musical tastes of young people. Networking sites on the Internet, such as
Facebook, Bebo and MySpace, allow youth to project their identities around the
world.
•
Youth are often portrayed by news media as a social problem, as immoral or anti-authority and
consequently constructed as folk devils as part of a moral panic. The majority of moral panics since the 1950s have been
manufactured around concerns about young people’s behaviour, such as their
membership of specific ‘deviant’ sub-cultures (e.g., teddy boys, hoodies) or
because their behaviour (e.g., drug taking or binge drinking) has attracted the
disapproval of those in authority.
Wayne et al. (2008) conducted a content analysis of 2130
news items across all the main television channels during May 2006. They found
that young people were mainly represented as a violent threat to society. They
found that it was very rare for news items to feature a young person’s
perspective or opinion. They note that the media only delivers a
one-dimensional picture of youth, one that encourages fear and condemnation
rather than understanding. Moreover, they argue that it distracts from the real
problems that young people face in the modern world such as homelessness, not
being able to get onto the housing ladder, unemployment or mental health and
that these might be caused by society’s, or the government’s, failure to take
the problems of youth seriously.
The elderly
Research focusing on
media representations of the elderly suggests that age is not the only factor
that impacts on the way the media portrays people aged 65 and over. Newman
(2006) notes that upper class and middle class elderly people are often
portrayed in television and film dramas as occupying high-status roles as world
leaders, judges, politicians, experts and business executives. Moreover, news
programmes seem to work on the assumption that an older male with grey in his
hair and lines on his face somehow exudes the necessary authority to impart the
news.
However, female
newscasters, such as Anna Ford, have long complained that these older men are
often paired with attractive young females, while older women newsreaders are
often exiled to radio. Leading female film and television stars are also often
relegated to character parts once their looks and bodies are perceived to be on
the wane, which seems to be after the age of 40.
Sociological studies show
that when the elderly do appear in the media, they tend to be portrayed in the
following one-dimensional ways.
•
As grumpy – conservative, stubborn and resistant to
social change.
•
As mentally challenged – suffering from declining mental functions.
•
As dependent – helpless and dependent on other younger members of the family
or society.
•
As a burden – as an economic burden on society (in terms of the costs of
pensions and health care to the younger generation) and/or as a physical and
social burden on younger members of their families (who have to worry about or
care for them).
•
As enjoying a second childhood – as reliving their adolescence and engaging
in activities that they have always longed to do before they die.
However, recent research
suggests that media producers may be gradually reinventing how they deal with
the elderly, especially as they realise that this group may have disposable
incomes, i.e. extra money to spend on consumer goods.
Media representations of ethnic minorities
KEY
POINT -
Many
sociologists believe that media representations of ethnic minority groups are
problematic because they contribute to the reinforcement of negative racist stereotypes. Media representations of ethnic minorities
may be undermining the concept of a tolerant multicultural society and
perpetuating social divisions based on colour, ethnicity and religion.
Evidence suggests that,
despite some progress, ethnic minorities are generally under-represented or are
represented in stereotyped and negative ways across a range of media content.
In particular, newspapers and television news have a tendency to present ethnic
minorities as a problem or to associate Black people with physical rather than
intellectual activities and to neglect, and even ignore, racism and the
inequalities that result from it.
Stereotypical representations
Akinti (2003) argues that
television coverage of ethnic minorities over focuses on
crime, AIDS in Africa and
Black children’s under-achievement in schools, whilst
ignoring the culture and
interests of a huge Black audience and their rich
contribution to British
society. Akinti claims that news about Black communities
always seems to be ‘bad
news’. Van Dijk’s (1991) content analysis of tens of
thousands of news items
across the world over several decades confirms that
news representations of
Black people can be categorised into several types of
stereotypically negative
news.
•
Ethnic minorities as criminals – Black crime is the most frequent issue
found in media news coverage of ethnic minorities. Van Dijk found that Black
people, particularly African-Caribbeans, tend to be portrayed as criminals,
especially in the tabloid press and more recently as members of organised gangs
that push drugs and violently defend urban territories.
•
Ethnic minorities and moral panics – Watson (2008) notes that moral
panics often result from media stereotyping of Black people as potentially
criminal. This effect was first brought to sociological attention by Hall’s
classic study of a 1970s moral panic that was constructed around the folk devil
of the ‘Black mugger’. Further moral panics have developed around rap music,
e.g. in 2003, ‘gangsta rap’ lyrics came under attack for contributing to an
increase in gun crime.
•
Ethnic minorities as a threat – ethnic minorities are often portrayed as a
threat to the majority White culture. It is suggested by some media that
immigrants and asylum seekers are only interested in living in Britain because
they wish to take fraudulent advantage of Britain’s ‘generous’ welfare state. Poole
(2000), pre 9/11, argued that Islam has always been demonised and distorted by
the Western media. It has traditionally been portrayed as a threat to Western
interests. Representations of Islam have been predominantly negative and Muslims
have been stereotyped as backward, extremist, fundamentalist and misogynist.
•
Ethnic minorities as dependent – news stories about less developed countries
tend to focus on a ‘coup-war-famine-starvation syndrome’. Often such stories
imply that the causes of the problems experienced by developing countries are
self-inflicted – that they are the result of stupidity, tribal conflict, too
many babies, laziness, corruption and unstable political regimes. External
causes such as colonialism, tied aid, transnational exploitation and the unfair
terms of world trade are rarely discussed by the British media.
•
Ethnic minorities as abnormal – the cultural practices of ethnic minorities
are often called into question and labelled as deviant or abnormal. Many Asian
people believe that the media treatment of arranged marriages was often
inaccurate and did not reflect the way that the system had changed over time. Ameli
et al. (2007) note that media discussion around the issue of the wearing of
the hijab and the veil is also problematic, often suggesting that it is somehow
an inferior form of dress compared with Western female dress codes and that it
is unnecessary and problematic. It is often portrayed as a patriarchal and
oppressive form of control that exemplifies the misogyny of Islam and
symbolises the alleged subordinate position of women in Islam.
•
Ethnic minorities as unimportant – Van Dijk notes that some sections of the
media imply that the lives of White people are somehow more important than the
lives of non-White people. News items about disasters in developing countries
are often restricted to a few lines or words unless there are also White or
British victims. Moreover, Sir Ian Blair, the former Metropolitan police
commissioner, claimed that institutionalised racism was present in the British
media in the way they reported death from violent crime. He noted that Black
and Asian victims of violent death did not get the same attention as White
victims. However, the murder of the Black teenager Stephen Lawrence by White
racists in 1993 received high-profile coverage, both on television and in the
press.
•
Ethnic minorities as invisible – in 2005, a BBC News Online survey noted
that Black and Asian people were represented as newscasters and television
journalists, but the range of roles that ethnic minority actors play in
television drama is very limited and often reflects low status, e.g. Africans
may play cleaners or Asians may play shopkeepers. Ethnic minority audiences
were also very hostile towards tokenism – the idea that programmes contain characters from ethnic
minority groups purely because they ‘should’. Ethnic minority audiences
complain that Black and Asian people are rarely shown as ordinary citizens who
just happen to be Black or Asian.
Media professionals from
ethnic minority backgrounds have responded to these inequalities and prejudices
by developing media institutions and agencies that specifically target the
interests and concerns of ethnic-minority audiences. There is a range of
homegrown media agencies that are owned, managed and controlled by ethnic
minorities themselves, including newspapers and magazines, e.g. Eastern Eye,
Snoop, The Voice, etc, and radio stations such as Sunrise Radio, Asian FX, etc.
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